IN FOCUS

Jelko Kacin

Photo: BOBO

Dear Presidents, ministers, officers of the Slovenian Army, dear guests, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues,

Given the fact that yesterday was the 10th anniversary of the international recognition of Slovenia and Croatia, I automatically think about those times and the popular radio programme entitled "Remember, comrades?". This title does not bring to my mind any ideological or revolutionary associations; for me, it only represents a veteran memory as well as a picturesque and realistic illustration of an important period in our recent history. Back then, a broad and deep political consensus expressed in the results of the plebiscite eleven years ago unified the Slovenian people in an unprecedented manner. All of us were facing a challenge, including the people in important political offices as well as individuals having to deal with the challenges of their new, different and unknown futures, rising independence and excitement about reaching the expected historical goal. Yet there was not only excitement, there were also great concerns and unimagined responsibilities.

Years before that, when Slovenia, within the framework of the former system of general national defence and social self-protection, had been implementing the defence and military doctrine in practice, we had had annual campaigns called "Nothing should surprise us" taking place all over Slovenia where defence issues within the republic's jurisdiction had been dealt with much more seriously than in other republics of former Yugoslavia.

Yet eleven years ago many Slovenes and even important political personalities were or at least seemed to be surprised at the fact that our independence had to be protected and defended with arms. Some people considered the efforts to maintain and gain full operational control over Territorial Defence, to rearm and equip it after it had been partly disarmed immediately upon elections, as unnecessary or even as a waste of taxpayers' money and needless provocation of Belgrade authorities. They did not believe that a military conflict was possible or that the Yugoslav People's Army could be brutally used against its own people; they thought a military conflict in our country was - in a word - impossible. They were again surprised when the tanks set off and did not stop by themselves. Despite continuous years-long training and the "Nothing should surprise us" campaign, (too) many people were indeed taken by surprise. I remember meeting a member of the then Government behind the parliamentary building near the heroes' sepulchre who said to me with bad conscience: "You know that our party is not against it, but we have to oppose Territorial Defence arming because of the public. I do hope, however, that you have bought enough of it (weapons and ammunition), just in case". The "declaration for peace" which I marked as "request for rapid unilateral disarmament" was a typical case of tactical consideration and search for room for manoeuvre in the event of the various possible developments. And while we maintained and strengthened the Territorial Defence, Croatia gave it up and for its unwise decision finally paid a huge and irreparable price in casualties and material damage as well as in lost development opportunities.

After the war in Slovenia, so many bloody wars and so much horrible killing took place close by that we all should have learned something from it, yet unfortunately some people in our country were again unpleasantly surprised. And as if they have intentionally forgotten about the bitter and catastrophic experience and the consequences in other countries of former Yugoslavia, some people are once again convinced that tomorrow or in the following days nothing like that will ever happen again. They consider NATO membership as unnecessary and too expensive. No one present in this room can foretell the future development of international events and that is why we should look to the future with all the necessary and precious life experience. Euphoria is not appropriate, and a realistic dose of pessimism is indispensable.

It is high time Slovenia reduced the possibility and risk of future surprises to the minimum and made its security, political and economic environment predictable and stable. We should extend the period of our real security and defence planning as far in the future as possible. Having adopted the two-year budget for the first time, we are forced to think about our future harder than ever before. As the speakers who preceded me have said, our future is also in the NATO, and Slovenia is an important part of the common and different NATO future.

Our country is one of the few lucky states that did not have to count and mourn over the missing or dead persons after the terrorist attacks on the United States of 11 September. We should not forget that terrorism does not ask about sex, age, race, religion or nationality of the casualties because it does not choose its victims. Terrorism threatens our values, the entire system of values, our rights and freedoms as well as our society. That is why NATO reacted so rapidly, so uniformly and so efficiently. NATO was not allowed to dream like us when we had got our independence, it had to react without delay and as unanimously as ever before. NATO proved to be a necessary, important and efficient system of collective security. The declaration on the common fight against terrorism was adopted by the Committee on Foreign Policy and the National Assembly unanimously with no abstensions.

Therefore NATO is not, can not be and should not be a self-service store anyone can enter when they suddenly and unexpectedly find out they need a part of its security offer and decide in the last moment to purchase the desired defence goods or services. Nor is NATO a substitute or reserve store open 24 hours a day - similar to those becoming increasingly popular in Slovenia - where at any time and for a slightly higher price one can buy the most needed and fresh products, which the buyers - in this case non-member states - need every day. NATO and membership therein are not and should not be put up for sale.

NATO can be compared to a club where members join wilfully, bring and contribute a lot while associations receive in return a (apparently) tiny bit. This is not only about membership certificate but mostly about the feeling and awareness of belonging, responsibility, solidarity and reciprocity. In this club, members have and assume commitments they wilfully and jointly meet. They are not forced but want to do so because they are fully aware of their common affiliation, common values, programmes, events as well as common challenges, reactions and goals.

Anyone who has ever been member of a cultural, sport or amateurish association knows that membership in such associations or clubs can change. NATO is not an ordinary club and no member has ever signed out. Anyone who has signed in or joined it is still a NATO member today. So far no one has wished to sign out or leave the Alliance, no one tries to avoid membership. There is indeed an unusual number of candidates for membership, and Slovenia is one of them. A most interesting fact is that their number is increasing every day.

For a long time now I have been convinced that for Slovenia NATO membership is not only an opportunity, but also a need, a realistic and rationally the best possibility. Yet how to explain to the people not interested in politics, security or in the events taking place outside our country's borders that we need to face this challenge, state our positions, decide for it and become members as soon as possible?

There is not other way than publicly, clearly and unequivocally present and explain our views on membership in NATO. In these years, the Committee on Foreign Policy has assumed and often convincingly presented - in Slovenia and abroad - a clear and broad position considerably exceeding the possible differences caused by the membership of individual MPs in individual political parties. Our firm belief that Slovenia's membership in NATO is necessary, well grounded and reasonable is above party-division and often confirmed and proved by concrete examples in practice. Even the leader of the Slovene National Party himself does not believe in what he tells within the country and abroad hoping that at least at home those who oppose NATO membership believe him.

Our membership in NATO is the most effective, the best, the cheapest, the most long-range and the safest insurance policy for our country, our economy and long- term prosperity and security. Membership in NATO is a proof of our excellence, legal security and safety of foreign investments; it is worth more than all ISO standards.

During my recent vacation abroad I carefully reread the joint report by the Slovene- Italian historic-cultural commission on Slovene-Italian relations in the period between 1880 and 1956, and Marko Kosin's book on the beginning of Slovene diplomacy with Italy. Both publications contain many examples of unnecessary complications and numerous cooling-offs of relations between the two states, and I consider them to be an excellent and most convincing argument in favour of Slovenia's membership in the Alliance of which Italy is one of the founding members. Once enemies at and along the border, the two states have become partners and allies. Their armies successfully co-operate in the KFOR units in Sarajevo where they have assumed the responsibility for rapid intervention in case of the most dangerous and complex inter- ethnic incidents in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Instead of unnecessary tensions in mutual relations they have decided to co-operate and intervene to re-establish and maintain peace and stability within the territory of a third state.

We have been noted, we have become respected, consistent and efficient exporters of stability to the Southeast of Europe. As part of former Yugoslavia, we are the most convincing proof and example of the possible development directions and better future for other successors to former Yugoslavia. Our security contributes to their stability while their stability contributes to our security. Our membership in NATO will be the greatest incentive for the political elites of these countries to rapidly follow our path; all these countries deserve our and international support and assistance on this path towards a common objective. We have supported them in the processes of transition, democratisation, normalisation, reconstruction, development and international integration and we will continue supporting them in the future. The process of NATO enlargement to Central and Eastern Europe should not be completed upon our membership.

Continuing to reduce the size of our army in accordance with the real necessities, possibilities and standards will be easier and faster within NATO, while the operational capacity of the army and, above all, our security will increase considerably. The armed forces also need political peace as well as stable and long- term frameworks to remodel and develop. No defence is cheaper and more reliable than collective defence.

On this occasion I would like to thank the members of the Committee on Foreign Policy as well as the staff of the Department for International Relations for their assistance in our work within the country and abroad in the effort to explain our views to the national and foreign public (the last example of such is yesterday's meeting with the American delegation headed by the Chief of Cabinet of the republican part of the Foreign Relations Committee at the US Senate). In all hitherto Committee's deliberations and decisions, the legislative authority has conferred a clear and unambiguous mandate to the Slovene Government to carry out the necessary procedures, modifications and preparations and find the ways to attain the set objectives. We only have a few months before the Prague Summit and I wish the Government had enough determination, courage, common sense and knowledge on the path towards the common objective. I hereby inform the national and foreign public that the Committee on Foreign Policy is deliberating and taking its decisions as if Slovenia was already a full member and not just a candidate. We are aware of the coming obligations, our possibilities, opportunities and rights. We expect to be invited because we are working hard, we are successful, reliable and decisive. To say it simple, we are not ashamed to repeat that we are aware of being a good and suitable candidate.

Jelko Kacin