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Wars and armed conflicts in Slovenia's immediate security environment

In the 20th century Slovenia was subjected to three armed conflicts that directly threatened its security (World War I, World War II and the War of Independence). In the preceding centuries Slovenia was exposed to an even greater number of wars. From the statistics on current armed conflicts around the world it can be concluded that military threats to security in the time following the Cold War are becoming ever more present, and only modern, economically developed democratic societies do not make use of this mutually destructive means of solving problems between themselves. Today, Slovenia's immediate security environment, South-Eastern Europe, remains Europe's focal crisis point.

The Yugoslav crisis - with its episodes in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia - represented a sort of microcosm in which the new post-war European security arrangement was shaped. Each country that wished to preserve and play a significant role in ensuring security in Europe wanted to confirm this through crisis management in the former Yugoslavia. This even held true for international organisations that used their presence to build credibility in what became known as the new security environment. The UN thus tested the doctrine of cooperation with regional security organisations in Europe for the first time in the former Yugoslavia. The Western European Union, with its first operations in this area, transformed itself from a "sleeping beauty" into a strategic international organisation. It was precisely in the Balkans that NATO first intervened outside the territory of its member states, in the form of maritime inspection operations upholding the embargo on arms and military equipment for the former Yugoslav republics (together with the Western European Union), air observation of the flight ban in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia, the offer of air support to UNPROFOR, which was continually experiencing difficulties, organising and coordinating IFOR, SFOR and KFOR, the carrying out of the "Allied Force" air operation against Yugoslavia, etc. Not least of all, the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) also became institutionalised in the form of an organisation with permanently accredited ambassadors and a secretariat (the OSCE) because of the needs for a greater contribution to the resolution of the Yugoslav crisis.

For more information, see http://www.osce.org/field_activities/.

One of the fundamental lessons of the Yugoslav crises emerges from the incapacity of individual security organisations to resolve a crisis alone. Thus the initially unsuccessful engagement of the European Union in preventing the outbreak of armed conflicts compelled the UN to take on a greater role in the region The inability of UNPROFOR to monitor the Adriatic Sea as well as the airspace above Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia, to protect the "safe areas" inside Bosnia-Herzegovina, and so on created a greater need for the inclusion of NATO in crisis management in this region. It was show that, for successful crisis management, it is necessary to find and use an appropriate combination of international non- military and military (UN, NATO) apparatus. From the point of view of the UN, which after the Cold War was confronted with the growth of armed conflicts around the world and a corresponding increase in the number of peacekeeping operations, any kind of effective military or non-military crisis resolution on the part of organisations for regional security or collective defence was very welcome.

The disintegration of Yugoslavia did not contribute to shaping an effective security alliance among the countries of South-Eastern Europe, which could have brought a stop to the continued development of armed conflicts. It was a long time before Western Europe and its security mechanisms began to seriously participate in resolving this crisis. It was only the Dayton Accord that established a foundation for a new security arrangement in this area, which however did not prevent the start of new crises in Kosovo and in Macedonia as well. The fact that European countries are contributing nearly all of their peacekeepers to this region is not contributing to its long-term stabilisation. The question of when the international community will withdraw and what will then happen remains unclear. Currently in the region there are a number of more or less definite conflicts that could, with escalation, even become true military threats to security. With this in mind it is necessary to point to the on-going border dispute between Greece and Turkey, the issue of the future status of Kosovo and Bosnia-Herzegovina, the problematic Romanian-Hungarian and Romanian-Moldovan relations, the question of a lasting solution between Croatia and Yugoslavia to the issue of the Prevlaka Peninsula, the problem of repatriation of refugees to all former conflict areas, the Macedonian-Greek and Macedonian-Bulgarian problems, and so on.


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